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Title
A Non-native Approach to ELT:
Universal or Asian ?
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Author
Hideo Oka
Professor, University of Tokyo
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1.
Introduction
In this paper I would like to focus on the Asian context of ELT.
More specifically, I'd like to argue that some of the so-called
"universal" aspects in ELT are not compatible with the
Asian context, for linguistic but also cultural and historical reasons.
The purpose of this article is to draw attention to such varying
aspects in Asia and investigate as to why they vary from the universal
standards. I believe such an investigation will lead to a better
understanding of the discipline specifically in relation to the
Asian setting. |
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As is well-known, one of the greatest contributions to language
teaching was contrastive analysis by structural linguists. When
the native and target languages have similar structures, as is the
case with two Indo-European languages, it is rather easy to compare
and pinpoint the differences. However, when the two languages are
vastly apart, as English and Japanese, for instance, comparison
often becomes difficult because we cannot find the same frame of
reference. As a point in question, when I investigated the bilingual
development of a child speaking German and Japanese, the grammatical
categories of complex sentences did not fit each other: in particular,
the distinction between subordinate and coordinate construction
in German did not apply to Japanese because there are no syntactic
differences between the two translation equivalents (Oka, 1980).
Furthermore, when I looked into the code-switching mechanism among
Japanese-English bilinguals, certain "universally-acknowledged"
syntactic constraints did not work in Japanese. For example, the
so-called "equivalence constraint" rule did not apply,
because no equivalent syntactic points could be found where intrasentential
code-switching was supposed to occur (Oka, 1995).
Contrastive analysis may be a useful tool in analyzing pronunciation,
but when it comes to higher levels of linguistic category, especially
at the cultural level, we face great obstacles. Direct translations
often do not make sense or do not carry the same meaning. For example,
the Japanese sentence, "kubi-ga mawaranai," literally
translated as "my neck doesn't turn," may be used to indicate
that one has a stiff neck, but when the expression is used metaphorically,
it means something totally different: "I am financially hard-up."
In such cases, what is required is cultural interpretation. That
is to say, the original expression must be interpreted first into
its indirect intended meaning in L1, before it can be translated
into L2. In our data of English discourse by Japanese speakers we
find unnaturally frequent uses of "sorry" and "I
see." These are typical examples of interference from L1, where
cultural translation is required. On the other hand, "I don't
think so," uttered innocently by a native speaker, may offend
a Japanese recipient because it sounds too direct in the Japanese
social context
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II. Non-universal Findings
I could cite many other examples, but my point is that when the
native and target languages are so distant, it becomes a daunting
task to compare them, and consequently, what is claimed to be universal
does not always hold true. This theme can also be carried into the
field of the learning and teaching of English as a foreign language,
where similar discrepancies can be found. In the following I will
focus on certain aspects where universality does not seem to apply,
and discuss why, hoping that this will lead to a better understanding
of the mechanism of TEFL in the Asian setting.
(1) First, I must refer to the famous motivational study by Lukmani
(1972), which revealed the Asian uniqueness in leaning English.
Unlike in Western nations, instrumental motivation was found to
be superior to integrative motivation. Referring to Marathi-speaking
high school girls in Bombay, Lukmani says, "The higher their
motivation to use English as a means of career advancement, etc.,
the better their English language scores." (p.272) But why
doesn't integrative motivation produce better results? To answer
this question we have to interpret the Asian context of learning
English against its social background. In Japan it is easy to come
across the anti-universal results if one only looks at the great
number of adult learners studying English for cultural purposes
at culture centers throughout the country, who happily go on for
years taking lessons without much progress in their language skills,
as measured by ordinary language tests. In this case integrative
motivation proves to be no better than the instrumental motivation
of high-school students, who are studying for university entrance
examinations.
(2) Second, when the global method of testing came into vogue in
the 70s, listening comprehension tests, like cloze, were considered
a most efficient means of assessment. Based on the TOEFL scores,
Oller and others (1974)concluded, regarding the role of listening
in L2 proficiency, "Of the sub-tests included in the TOEFL,
listening comprehension probably shows the best estimate of the
efficiency of the internalized grammar of the non-native speaker."
(p.251) However, this ran counter to my observations because Japanese
students generally showed only haphazard listening skills. Thus,
I embarked on an experimental study to disprove Oller and others'
hypothesis
Figure 1: Development of Listening Comprehension
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In
order to examine the decoding strategies employed by three contrasting
groups in terms of nationality and proficiency (one Venezuelan
and two Japanese), their proficiency was measured by two types
of tests, tapping linguistic vs. functional competence. The test
results obtained, as can be seen in Fig. 1 above, show that while
the Venezuelan group achieved a balanced development between linguistic
and functional competence, indicated by the developmental line
at 45 , the profile of Japanese students is distorted and develops
in a biased fashion leaning toward linguistic competence. These
contrastive results led me to conclude that the Japanese students
were characterized as possessing only linguistic competence, and
especially low-achievers were found to suffer from fragmental
knowledge of linguistic elements, which did not function as an
integrated skill of listening comprehension.
The Japanese students' noticeably poorer performance in the subtest
of discourse understanding suggests that they lack skills of higher-level
operations, i.e. their functional skills are not developed enough
to be commensurate with their knowledge of grammar and vocabulary.
This finding thus disclaims the assertion made by Oller and others.
In short, listening comprehension is NOT a good measure for overall
proficiency in a foreign language, at least as far as Japanese
students are concerned. Although LC may share the same repertoire
of language elements, it is after all a separate skill and will
not develop without training specifically how to integrate those
elements into the spoken format.
Unfortunately, such a unique profile of English proficiency is
the outcome of the Japanese teaching practice, where grammar-translation
is still dominant. However trendy the communicative approach may
be, we cannot disregard the prevailing practice in ordinary classrooms
in Japan.
(3) This brings us to the third area of conflict with the "universal"
standard. What is taken for granted as common sense in the West
may not be common in Asia. If one observes an English class-an
ordinary class at an ordinary school, not a showy model class
where native-speaker teachers are usually invited-what is most
obvious is that English is hardly used, except when reading the
textbook.Clearly, Japanese teachers tend to repeat the way they
themselves were taught, while native-speaker teachers have no
alternative but to rely on English. Yet this question about the
medium of instruction should not be a categorical decision as
to which is good or bad, but the role of L1 should be examined
according to the learners' age, the content of the material, etc.
There is no arguing that the teacher should provide as much input
as possible in the FL classroom. But it is also imperative to
make teaching efficient where time and exposure are limited. For
these reasons it may be beneficial to take advantage of the cognitive
knowledge and skills the learners have in their L1. L1 is more
efficient, for example, when it comes to understanding complex
grammar rules and abstract terms, or for making a quick summary
of the text that has just been read.
The recent emphasis on the communicative approach is confronted
with a resurgence of grammar because it has failed to instill
grammatical competence. Consequently, the mainstream of research
now is conducted under the name of "awareness-raising."
However, this is not compatible with the grammar-translation-based
tradition in Japan. On the contrary, what is called for is "awareness-lowering"
instead. Our students should be given more practice to forget
about grammar, in other words, to depart from the conventional
form-focused instruction.
Krashen's distinction between learning and acquisition is a useful
one when we try to analyze the problems of EFL in most parts of
Asia. In our learning-oriented EFL context, nobody denies the
importance of input, but Krashen's argument that "learning
cannot become acquisition" (1982;22) is rather naive at best.
There are a great number of Japanese who have become proficient,
thanks in part to English learnt at school, combined with a later
exposure through studying or working in an English-speaking country.
They did successfully turn learning into acquisition. Thus, what
Asians generally should strive for in an input-impoverished EFL
context is how best to combine learning with acquisition.
III.
Changing Trends in Research
As I have discussed so far, we should pay more attention to the
local characteristics of EFL in Asia, which cannot be explained
by universal generalizations. When looking at EFL research, a
similar trend can be observed: in this case, a widening gap between
theory and practice.
As Lightbown points out in her Anniversary Article in Language
Learning, 2000, although SLA studies have come to have more impact
on teaching, the greatest problem lies in the difference between
the teaching environment and the research context. In order to
be "scientific," on the one hand, fragmental studies
are conducted in the form of mini-experiments, which are too narrowly
defined and are hardly applicable. On the other hand, the educational
experiments in the classroom are difficult to manage because of
too many variables beyond control, which are therefore not scientifically
exact.
With such basic conflicts in mind, I embarked on analyzing the
articles that appeared in the JACET (Japan Association of College
English Teachers) bulletin for the last 29 years since 1975 (Nos.
6-36). 263 articles were classified according to the framework
by Nunan (1992), with some modifications to fit into the Japanese
context. The objective was to discover any change in the relevant
research during the last 3 decades-in particular, with regard
to the area of research and the research method.
Figure 2: JACET Articles 1975-2003
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As these graphs show, there has been a remarkable change both
in the area of research and in the research method. In the area
of research, the number of articles that deal with SLA has dramatically
increased from 22.6% to 52.3%, whereas articles in English philology
and teaching methods/techniques have declined. SLA here includes,
for example, learning strategies, order of acquisition, and error
analysis, while English philology covers grammatical usage studies,
sentence stress, etc.
As for the research method, so-called "literature studies"
have declined and elicitation shows a sharp increase from 21.0%
to 63.6%. Literature studies refer to comparing and discussing
theories and researches, leading to a certain conclusion, while
elicitation includes questionnaires, listening tests, production
tasks, etc. From these two graphs, we could summarize the changes
in our field of study with respect to the content and method,
as follows: namely that there has been a shift of emphasis from
argumentative studies based on literature studies in EFL to data-driven
experimental studies in SLA. In short, data-driven statistics
have replaced philosophical discussions. Is this shift a natural
evolution of the discipline or is it due to the influence of the
trends in the applied linguistic studies in English-speaking countries?
Such changes seem to conceal other aspects of practical importance.
For example, although English educational reforms have been much
talked about in Japan, no articles on language policy can be found
in the recent journals.
This discrepancy may be rooted in the historical background. There
is an interesting difference in the derivational history between
applied linguistics in the West and ELT in Asia. That is to say,
the discipline classified as applied linguistics, sometimes pejoratively
called "linguistics applied," derives from theoretical
linguistics and SLA research tends to show a strong inclination
in that direction, whereas the Asian approach to applied linguistics
has evolved from the pedagogical tradition of ELT-with more emphasis
on teaching and learning in a formal educational setting.
IV.
The Role of Non-native Speakers
In the century-long history of language teaching, especially since
Chomsky put forth the idea of "ideal speaker-hearer,"
the native speaker has been idolized. However, looking back at
ourselves, we soon realize that none of us are ideal native speakers-to
illustrate, I as a native speaker of Japanese may not be able
to read some of the difficult Chinese characters used in Japanese,
or I may not be able to understand certain economic news in the
newspaper. I am a competent but not a perfect native speaker.
Furthermore, I am a naive native speaker who can speak but cannot
explain. The other day I learned for the first time about the
usage of the two particles, 'yo' vs. 'ne,' from a Korean student.
I have no problem using them, but I had no conscious knowledge
about the distinction, which would disqualify me as an efficient
teacher of Japanese as a second language.
This is where the role of the non-native speaker (NNS) teacher
fits in-particularly, as a role model and a sympathetic teacher.
As Cook (1999) proposes, the NNS as a teacher can provide a valuable
example of skilled L2 use and therefore be the role model of a
successful L2 user for the students. The NNS teacher is someone
who has arrived where the students want to be. Such a teacher
not only presents a more achievable model, but shares the linguistic/cultural
background. The NN teacher is especially valuable because of the
learning experience that the teacher can share with learners.
They have gone through the problems and difficulties that language-specific
learners are likely to encounter.
L2 users then should be viewed as multicompetent language users,
rather than deficient native speakers. Language teaching can tap
into a mind that already contains an L1; that is to say, the new
language is learnt on the basis of a previous language. Multicompetent
minds that know two languages are qualitatively different from
those of the monolingual native speaker. As the studies of bilingual
brains indicate, multicompetent language users, like bilinguals,
have to be looked at in their own right, not as possessing two
deficient monolingual competences (Oka, 2002).
V.
Intercultural Communicative Competence
These days English is often used as a lingua franca even among
non-native speakers from a variety of language backgrounds. However,
for cross-cultural communication to successfully take place we
need more than a common means of linguistic codes. We need to
have cultural and functional literacy, not simply NS-oriented
communicative competence. We need a broader framework of "intercultural
communicative competence" (ICC).
ICC can be defined as "a person's ability to relate and communicate
with people who speak a different language and live in a different
cultural context" (Byram,1997:1). This notion thus emphasizes
the importance of sharing cultural and functional literacy, so
that the intercultural communicator can function in the global
world.
Developing ICC may not be within the scope of the language classroom
alone. Cultural literacy, for example, requires a basic knowledge
of the world, such as who Lincoln is, where Japan is, etc. Functional
literacy is the knowledge and skill required to function in modern
civilization, such as how to use a telephone, how to ride a train,
etc. To achieve cross-cultural understanding, encoding/decoding
of information should be appropriate in quantity and quality on
the basis of shared knowledge. "Appropriateness" was
first introduced into the concept of communicative competence
with reference to being socially appropriate, but in ICC it refers
to being appropriate in terms of quantity and quality of information.
Information should not be just necessary but also sufficient.
An appropriate amount of information should be provided in an
effective manner according to the knowledge shared between speaker
and hearer. For example, depending on how familiar the addressee
is with Japanese culture, one might have to explain in great detail
how to take a bath in a Japanese home-or no explanation may be
necessary. This concept even applies to the language classroom.
When asked "Did you have a nice weekend? " Japanese
students tend to just respond, "Yes, I did." But they
should be made aware that this is not enough. They must be taught
how to interact-e.g. by saying, "Yes, I went to Tokyo Disneyland
with friends. It was great fun. Have you been there?"
ICC emphasizes the significance of the procedural aspect of communicative
interaction. Due to the dynamic nature of interaction, information
must be adjusted relative to the gap as well as the common ground
between interlocutors. Such procedural competence is as essential
to ICC as knowledge and skill. It will put everyone on an equal
basis as intercultural communicators. In this way, ICC can become
the key concept to liberate the Asian TEFL in the decades to come.
**Special acknowledgement goes to Mr. T. Nakata, who helped me
with the JACET articles.
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| References
Byram, M. (1997) Teaching and Assessing Intercultural Communicative
Competence. Multilingual Matters.
Cook, V. (1999) "Going Beyond the Native Speaker in
Language Teaching," TESOL Q, 33, 2, 185-210
Krashen, S. (1982) Principles and Practice in Second Language
Acquisition. Pergamon Press.
Lightbown, P. (2000) "Anniversary Article: Classroom
SLA Research and Second Language Teaching," AL, 21, 431-462.
Lukmani, Y. (1972) "Motivation to Learn and Language
Proficiency," LL, 22, 261-273.
Nunan, D. (1992) Research Methods in Language Learning. CUP.
Oka, H. (1980) "Language Development of a Japanese and
German Speaking Child-With Special Emphasis on Complex Sentences,"
Linguistic Science, 15, Kyushu University, 1-29.
(1981) "Decoding Strategies in Listening Comprehension,"
Linguistic Science, 16, Kyushu University, 6-28.
(1986) "An Appraisal of the Monitor Model," Studies in
English Language and Literature, 36, Kyushu University, 71-89.
(1995) "Pragmatic Issues of Code Switching," in Dept.
of ELE, Hiroshima Univ. (ed.), Studies in English Language Education.
Keisuisha, 122-133.
(2002) "Bairingarizumu-to Gengo-kyouiku (Bilingualism and Language
Teaching)," in H. Ueda (ed.), Nihon-gogaku-to Gengo-kyouiku
(Japanese Studies and Language Teaching). Tokyo University Press,
95-120.
Oller, J. W. Jr., et al., (1974) "Cloze, Dictation,
and the Test of English as a Foreign Language," LL, 24, 2,
245-252.
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